We are witnessing daily all the disruptions resulting from the coup that, in reality, began with the removal of President Dilma from power. The various legislative changes that reduce citizens’ rights are, almost without exception, unconstitutional. This is because the social value of work is a fundamental principle of the Brazilian Democratic State of Law, as we can see in Article 1, item IV of the Constitution. It is interesting to note that free enterprise appears in this same item.<\/p>\n
In other words, the Brazilian Constitution limits free enterprise with the social value of work, and this is the first of numerous “social welfare messages” given by the most important instrument of the legal system. In another message, in its third article, the Constitution affirms that the fundamental objectives of Brazil are the construction of a free, just, and solidary society, as well as the reduction of social inequalities. In all debates regarding human rights in the world, the irreducibility of rights already achieved for the social protection of citizenship and humanity appears as a fundamental principle.<\/p>\n
However, it goes without saying that these elements alone indicate that we are not living through our best period with regard to the democratic rule of law. The state of coup we are experiencing clearly tells us that there is no constitutional precept solid enough to be respected, regardless of political and\/or economic pressures.<\/p>\n
What the coup did to outsourcing, however, was threaten the entire structure of labor relations in Brazil, and that’s what we’re going to talk about this time. Due to poor legislative technique, the legislative process of Bill 4302\/98, approved last week, began during the Fernando Henrique Cardoso administration. It’s curious to note that, already in transition to President Lula’s first term, at the end of 2002, the bill was given urgent status in its processing. It deals with modifications to the CLT (Consolidation of Labor Laws) in the articles regarding temporary work, and shamefully inserts a purported regulation of outsourcing.<\/p>\n
A simple, serious constitutional judgment would already be enough to fatally wound the continuation of the legislative process that concluded its stage in the National Congress. However, as if that weren’t enough, the coup-mongering and precariousness frenzy reached its peak, throwing more than twelve million employment relationships in Brazil into total insecurity.<\/p>\n
Legislative desperation has created a weak law lacking any technically respectable basis. Numerous legal, jurisprudential, and doctrinal provisions could easily and irreversibly dismantle such stupidity.<\/p>\n
Regarding outsourcing, we will touch on two points. The law submitted for presidential approval states that the provision of services by an outsourced company must be “determined and specific.” This applies to the economic nature of the service provider, the employment contract to be signed by it, and the contractual instrument between the primary company and the outsourced company, or even between the outsourced company and the sub-outsourced company.<\/p>\n
However, the vast majority of outsourced economic activities in Brazil, according to technical note 172 from the Inter-Union Department of Statistics and Socioeconomic Studies (Dieese) of March 2017, are precisely undetermined and non-specific activities. For example: support activities, auxiliary activities, other activities, technical support, other service provision activities, combined services and, surprisingly, service activities provided mainly to companies, not previously specified, among others.<\/p>\n
This leads us to believe, with a certain degree of applied logic, that the law actually renders the vast majority of outsourced activities in Brazil illegal, instead of generating legal certainty over them.<\/p>\n
Furthermore, with a minimum of courage, the guiding concept of outsourcing consolidated by the Superior Labor Court\u2014prohibiting the outsourcing of core activities\u2014can be maintained in the application of the Judiciary. This is because the terms “specific and determined” lack legal sophistication. It will be up to the judiciary, once again, to determine what constitutes a specific and determined contract or business activity. What we can state with a certain degree of certainty is that the activities currently performed by third parties are, in their vast majority, not specific and determined.<\/p>\n
To make matters worse, if the activity must be specific and determined, we can also confidently state that, even if outsourced, the activity cannot be classified under the vague term “service provision,” which will throw workers and companies into widespread uncertainty regarding union representation. Still unregulated, the practice of outsourcing has gained some ground in Brazil. This reality has pointed to several problems of representation, since the logic of Brazilian unions focuses on the relationship between representative and represented within the parameter of economic activity. However, outsourcing is not an economic activity, but rather a delegation of tasks given by a company that, in fact, performs an economic activity.<\/p>\n
Thus, several unions were created to encompass outsourced companies in a generic way, such as “unions of workers from service-providing companies.” If the category represented is generic, and the approved legal text determines that outsourced activities must be specific and defined, we can understand that these unions will not represent regulated outsourcing.<\/p>\n
The fact is that the approved law creates enormous confusion regarding union representation, but in no way does it revoke the concept of economic activity (at least the predominant one) for regulating representation.<\/p>\n
Thus, what seemed to be consolidating in the outsourcing process in Brazil until last week has just collapsed: unions of unspecified economic categories will not be able to represent the “new outsourced workers.” Who will represent them?<\/p>\n
This is a difficult question at a time when we realize that the man who claims to occupy the presidency of the Republic does not represent, in any sense, not even electorally, the will of Brazilian democracy. This is yet another of the countless battles that will need to be fought, at least until the restoration of Brazilian democratic order. We continue.<\/p>\n
Ant\u00f4nio Carlos Carvalho* is a lawyer and a member of the technical group analyzing current affairs at the Perseu Abramo Foundation.<\/p>\n
Salvar<\/span><\/p>\n Salvar<\/span><\/p>\n Salvar<\/span><\/p>\n Salvar<\/span><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":" We are witnessing daily all the disruptions resulting from the coup that, in reality, began with the removal of President Dilma from power. The various legislative changes that reduce citizens’ rights are, almost without exception, unconstitutional. 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